problem gambling in CALD communities
the evidence base for working with CALD communities
The following report provides a summary of studies which investigate CALD communities’ participation in gambling, as well as
gambling prevalence and risk factors within specific CALD communities. While
Australian research has been favoured, international literature has
been included where it is applicable to an Australian context.
A pdf of this report is available here .
gambling participation
Yamine and Thomas (2000) identified that gambling participation rates
in the Arabic, Chinese, Greek and Vietnamese communities were lower
than in the general community. However, Victorian Casino and Gaming
Authority (VCGA) studies found evidence that Asians (including
Vietnamese and Chinese speakers), Greeks and Italians seemed to be
overrepresented in gambling participation in metropolitan Melbourne.
VCGA studies (1996-97) found that 31% of patrons who enter Crown Casino
are of South East Asian appearance. A survey of casino patrons’ country
of birth found that people from the Middle East/Africa, Greece, Italy
and Asia were overrepresented.
gambling preferences
Much of the available literature suggests that different cultural
groups have preferences for different modes of gambling. For example,
Yamine and Thomas (2000) found that Arabic, Greek, Italian and Spanish
speakers and people from the former Yugoslavia were more likely than
other groups to view gambling as a social activity and a source of
entertainment and recreation, with an inclination for gambling at home
or in cafes. Asian groups, particularly Vietnamese, Chinese and
Korean, preferred games of chance, such as casino gambling and
Electronic Gaming Machines (EGMs). These groups viewed gambling as
‘trying one’s luck’ or ‘seeking a change of fortune’. They also found
that 17.9% of the mainstream community displayed a preference for
playing the pokies at Crown Casino, while the percentage was 20.8%
among Greek and 18.9% among Chinese respondents. 16.5% of the Arabic
and 15% of the Vietnamese community preferred scratch tickets, compared
to 31.3% of the general community.
Other research showed that casino gambling was most popular among
Chinese, Korean and Croatian respondents. Cards (outside of the
casino) were most popular among Greek, Italian and Arabic speakers.
Macedonian, Spanish and Korean respondents preferred club poker
machines; and race betting was most popular among Croatian and
Macedonian respondents (Ethnic Communities Council of NSW 1999 as cited
in DOJ 2005).
In Asian communities the literature indicates that gambling is
considered an important part of Chinese culture and social fabric,
often practiced during holiday festivities such as the Chinese New
Year, weddings and birthdays. At other times gambling is a popular
social activity at home and venues such as casinos, TABs and clubs
(McMillen et al 2004; Wong and Tse 2003). The historical significance
of gambling in Chinese culture centres on ‘luck’ and a recognition that
the course of life itself depends partly on matters of fate and chance
(McMillen et al 2004). Raylu and Oei (2003) also suggest that gambling
patterns can be related to the familiarity of certain games within the
culture – use of dice and cards have been part of Chinese culture for
centuries.
Casino gambling is the most popular form of gambling in the Chinese
community, as evidenced by a Sydney study which found that over 50% of
gambling expenditure by the Chinese community was spent at the casino
(McMillen et al 2004). Moderate-risk gamblers most frequently play
EGMs (79.02%), Lotto, Powerball, or the Pools (63.75%), table games
(33%) and speculative investments (27.03%) (DOJ 2009).
Online gambling, card games and casino table games are popular forms of
gambling for international students (MGHP 2009; Spence-Thomas &
Thomas 2001). Table games bring a sense of wealth and involve a high
level of sensory and mental simulation, which makes them particularly
attractive to students (Wen Li 2007). Poker is also growing in
popularity for international students (MGHP 2009).
problem gambling prevalence
A number of studies have indicated that rates of problem gambling may
be higher for CALD communities compared with the mainstream population.
Although Chinese, Vietnamese, Arabic and Greek communities had a lower
rate of participation in gambling than the general community, higher
incidences of problem gambling were observed in all four communities
(Thomas and Yamine, 2000).
Raylu and Oei (2004a) demonstrate that despite the lack of studies
assessing gambling problems among different cultures, there is
anecdotal evidence to suggest that some cultural groups (eg the
Chinese) may have high rates of problem gamblers (Chen et al, 1993;
Chinese Family Service of Greater Montreal, 1997; Cultural Partners
Australia Consortium, 2000 as cited in Oei, Lin and Raylu 2007).
Blaszczynski, Huynh, Dumlao and Farrell (1998) identifies the incidence
of problem gambling in Australia’s Chinese community at 2.9% (with
males showing a higher rate of 4.3% compared to females at 1.6%), which
is more than double the general Australian prevalence rate. Oei, Lin
and Raylu (2007) compared Chinese and Caucasian gamblers in the general
community. They found that 2.1% of Chinese participants were at the
tipping point for problem gambling, compared to 1.3% of the Caucasian
participants. Their findings indicated that the Chinese community may
experience a higher risk of developing gambling problems.
Thomas & Thomas (2006) indicated that international students also
have a greater risk of developing gambling related problems, with 18%
of those surveyed international indicating a tendency toward problem
gambling. Male Chinese students and Chinese students from Hong Kong
were the most at risk. The research also revealed that a significant
proportion of students started gambling in Australia (60.3%).
In international research, Lesieur et al. (1991) explored gambling
patterns among 1771 university students. Results indicated that Asians
had a significantly higher rate of pathological gambling (12.5%)
compared to African Americans, Caucasians and American Indians (rates 4
– 5%).
A North American study found that the likelihood of developing problem
gambling increases with the length of exposure to legalised gambling
(Volberg 1994). For people migrating to Australia from countries where
there are limited gambling opportunities, the likelihood of developing
gambling problems may increase the longer they stay in Australia, as
their exposure to gambling increases. When looking at problem gambling
in refugee communities, the Multicultural Gambler’s Help Program (2008)
identified that gambling was more of an issue for established groups
(such as Iraqis and Somalis) than it was for newly arrived groups (eg
Liberians and Sudanese).
International research examining South East Asian refugees in America
reported 70% of the sample satisfied the criteria for lifetime problem
or pathological gambling and, unlike the general population, there were
many more pathological than problem gamblers (Worldwide Addiction
Gambling Education Report, 2005).
In New Zealand, Volberg (1994) found high-risk groups for problem
gambling to be young adults, people from a Maori and Chinese
background, unemployed people, males, and people who have parents with
gambling problems. Abbott and Volberg (1996) identified that 41% of
New Zealand lifetime problem gamblers were non-Caucasians (mostly
Maoris and migrants from the Pacific Islands) compared to 15% of
non-problem gamblers being from these cultural groups. In other
international research, Wallisch (1996), in their study of Texan
youths, found problem gamblers were more likely to be from a minority
ethnic group. They also found that Hispanics were more likely to gamble
weekly and had higher rates of problem gambling than Caucasians.
Overall, prevalence studies of gambling and problem gambling within
CALD communities are limited. These limitations may be due to the
stigma of identifying as a problem gambler (CIRCA, 2008) as well as a
lack of validated study instruments (Oei, Lin and Raylu 2007).
culture and gambling
Cultural beliefs and values may contribute to a propensity to gamble,
frequency of gambling, types of games played, meanings attached to
gambling and problem gambling, coping mechanisms, and attitudes to help
seeking. Cultural beliefs may also shape and reinforce the maintenance
of ‘illusion of control’ beliefs. Little is known, however, about the
direct relationship between culture and the development of problem
gambling. This is in large part due to methodological problems in
research in controlling for other variables associated with immigrants
from certain cultures. For example, socio-demographic variables such as
poor socio-economic status, unemployment, and low income levels have
been linked to problem gambling (Raylu & Oei 2002). A significant
number of immigrants and refugees have poor socio-economic status;
therefore it is difficult to determine the extent to which problem
gambling is related to culture, to other variables associated with the
migration process, or to a combination of both. It is commonly
suggested that issues apart from culture (i.e. socio-demographic risk
factors) have the greatest impact on gambling across different cultural
groups. This point is illustrated in Rule (2001), who states that
“culture is not so much a causal factor in gambling as such but in the
type of gambling, and community attitudes towards it”.
While culture must be considered as an influencing factor for
participation in gambling, the next section outlines a number of
determinants and risk factors that may potentially leave CALD groups
more vulnerable to problem gambling.
risk factors for CALD communities
The migration and settlement process
Migrants and refugees require certain basic needs to be met to
successfully resettle in a new country. Their capacity to meet these
needs is affected by a range of factors including pre-arrival
experiences, reasons for migration, similarities or differences between
their home country and the country of settlement, and level of support
received in the new country. The key areas of need include;
• securing suitable, long-term accommodation
• learning English
• gaining relevant employment
• having adequate financial resources to re-establish in a new country and fulfil life goals
• adjusting to different social norms
• developing social connections.
It is also possible that refugees may need to recover from torture
and/or trauma. Lastly, all new entrants need to understand and know how
to use available services and support structures (Refugee Council of
Victoria 2008).
Yamine and Thomas’ (2000) study suggests that aspects of the
immigration experiences of individuals may be important predictors or
determinants of their engagement with gambling. Variables such as time
since immigration (level of acculturation), circumstances surrounding
the immigration process and the extent to which the person has local
supports within their community are factors which should be considered
in responses to problem gambling in CALD communities. Protective and
moderating factors against problem gambling include social supports,
financial and other resources.
Reasons for gambling can stem from difficulties experienced in the
migration process (Zysk 2003). There are financial and social
stressors associated with migration, such as unemployment, low paid
work, low English proficiency, limited social supports and unresolved
trauma (Tran 1999). For the Vietnamese, participation in gambling can
occur for financial support, as income is lost through the migration
process and there may be financial obligations with family remaining in
Vietnam (Zysk 2003).
Smith (1997) investigated the relationship between the migration
experience of Vietnamese refugees and problem gambling behaviour. The
focus of her research was the notion of ‘escape’, whereby individuals
engage in repetitive behaviours as a means of disassociating from the
stress of acculturation pressures.
Lee (2000) presents a model to represent the cycle of problem gambling
and the trauma associated with refugee migration. She argues that when
a person has experienced torture or trauma, they can feel helpless or
out of control and, in this context, gambling becomes attractive as a
means of regaining control of one’s life. While wins may provide a
feeling of temporary control, losses reinforce a sense of helplessness
and the cycle of gambling continues. This is a notion supported by
(Worldwide Addiction Gambling Education Report, 2005) who state that
“typically, gamblers with gambling related problems often bet as a way
to escape from problems, trauma, and anxieties, perhaps similar to
those which many have fled from in Asia” (Worldwide Addiction Gambling
Education Report, 2005).
Maheras (2001) presents gambling as a symptom of the disenfranchised
grief of migration experienced by many ethnic groups in Australia. The
author states that gambling may commence at a time that is
“developmentally pertinent to the experience of earlier loss through
migration”, presenting an example of other losses, such as children
leaving home, which may trigger the old grief of migration. This
intense emotion is often avoided or expressed through gambling.
Financial and employment factors
The Australian Institute for Gambling Research (1999) also found that
the financial and social pressures associated with the migration
process often led people to attempt to change their fortune through
gambling. Service providers and gamblers surveyed in the study cited
the breakdown of traditional family support and the accessibility of
gambling outlets as the most significant factors in triggering problem
gambling behaviour.
Unemployment and under-employment can contribute to gambling behaviours
for CALD communities. Duong and Ohtsuka (2000) suggest that even when
they have employment, migrants are more likely to be underemployed.
This is due partly to low English language proficiency, limited prior
training and qualifications not being recognised. A 1996 survey of 600
patrons of the Adelaide Casino identified different socio-economic
characteristics of gamblers across different modes of gambling. A
significant finding was that over half of the gaming machine players
were not in the workforce (as cited in Tyler 1996).
Tran (1999) states that the financial stressors of migration can be a
risk factor for gambling as migrants experience lower levels of
employment or paid work due to low English proficiency, and lowered
status in the family and the community (Tran 1999).
Gabb (1998) suggests that seeking a change of fortune through gambling
may be appealing to Vietnamese men struggling with a loss of status
often associated with unmet expectations of employment post-migration.
“It is now apparent that the lowered status of unemployed Vietnamese
men and the rise in independence and earning power of their employed
wives has changed family roles irrevocably. This has led to severe
depression, increased marriage breakdown and domestic violence. The
vision of a win at the casino to redeem a man’s place of honour and
power in the family in an alien land may be a powerful trigger in the
gambling cycle.” (Gabb 1998, p.6)
Tse, Wong, Kim (2004) identified that those disproportionately affected
by problem gambling included Asian immigrants who are employed in shift
work (eg restaurants, factories, takeaway food shops) and newly arrived
young Asian adults studying English.
Lack of social networks
Boredom and loneliness was cited by 36% of respondents as a reason for
gambling in the VCGA (2000) study of 664 Vietnamese, Greek, Chinese and
Arabic-speaking Victorians.
Rosencrance (1986) presents data from a two-year observation field
study of horse race gamblers, sports betters and poker players, which
suggests that continued gambling, despite losses, can be explained by
the “binding social aspects of the activity”. He concluded that the
rewards of social connection were more important than the losses
incurred.
Lack of culturally appropriate alternative recreational activities
Nguyen (1997) found that leisure and entertainment options for adult
Indo-Chinese people in Victoria are very limited, particularly for
those with low levels of English language proficiency. He asserts that
the Crown Casino is attractive to those who feel little connection with
the Australian sport and pub culture. The casino was also considered a
relatively safe environment, requiring little spoken English and
allowing anonymity for the gambler. Nguyen (1997) also noted that many
pubs and clubs in areas with high Indo-Chinese populations are now
becoming increasingly savvy at attracting this market, employing
bilingual staff and supplying cheap or free meals to patrons.
Wong and Tse (2003) also identified in the Chinese community that
English proficiency has a big impact on ability to socialise, and as a
result other social outlets are sought.
Duong and Ohtsuka (2000) interviewed 21 Vietnamese-speaking regular
casino gamblers. Along with monetary gain and social benefits, some
discussed a lack of alternative leisure options as a factor in their
choice of gambling as an entertainment option. Zysk (2003) also
identified sadness, loneliness, boredom, limited knowledge of and
access to other entertainment and low English proficiency are cited as
reasons for EGM gambling becoming more popular in the Vietnamese
community, particularly with older Vietnamese men.
Similarly, Efstratiou (1997) in her study of gambling in the Arabic
community in Victoria, raised the issue that any strategy aimed at
reducing the impact of gambling on the community needed to address
perceived gaps in the availability of alternative leisure and community
activities.
The City of Darebin’s Pokie-Free Places and Activities for Culturally
and Linguistically Diverse Communities Project (2005) also found that
CALD communities in their area remained socially isolated and
disconnected from the wider community. They were further disadvantaged
by a lack of culturally appropriate social, recreation and leisure
opportunities. The attraction of gaming venues, the wide availability
and easy access to EGMS were also contributing factors to participation
in gambling. Gaming venues were considered to provide incentives for
participation such as subsidised transport, meals, and gaming vouchers.
CALD communities were also attracted to playing EGMs by the lure of
fulfilling the migrant dream of building financial security and
achieving life goals. While for many ethnic clubs struggling with
finances owning an EGM licence was considered an important means of
revenue rising.
Service access barriers
Mainstream services are often under-utilised by CALD consumers, who may
not be fully aware of the nature or range of services available, or
indeed feel that the service will not be sensitive to their different
cultural needs (Zysk 2003; Wong and Tse 2003).
Yamine and Thomas’ (2000) ethnic groups saw access to services and low
propensity to seek assistance from gambling-related problems as an
issue for people from non-English speaking backgrounds. Skull and
Woolcock (2005), in exploring gambling and problem gambling within the
Chinese, Vietnamese and Greek communities in Queensland, identified a
number of service access barriers. These included: denial of a
gambling problem; the ‘loss of face’ for the gambler and their family;
cultural tendencies to resolve problems within the family; and aspects
of the migration experience that leave individuals and families without
support networks of extended family. This is supported by Zysk (2003)
and Tran (1999) who identified that Vietnamese people were reluctant to
seek help from outside the family.
Other service access barriers for CALD communities include low English
proficiency, variations in communication style, attitudes regarding
help seeking behaviour, and the nature and causes of problem gambling
(Zysk 2003).
Chow-Fairhall (2001) states that individual preferences, family
expectations and experiences, and cultural norms shape perceptions of
both gambling, help-seeking behaviour and readiness for change. Zysk
(2003) and Tran (1999) state that for the Vietnamese community the
concept of counselling is unfamiliar; however Hien (1999) in examining
problem gambling intervention models for the Vietnamese community,
argues that conventional intervention models do not address the
cultural and linguistic issues underlying problem gambling.
summary of risk factors for CALD communities
CALD communities may be at higher risk of problem gambling for the following reasons:
• stresses resulting from pre-migration, migration and settlement experiences
• social and financial stressors resulting from migration and settlement
• unemployment or under-employment
• past experiences of torture, trauma and grief
• low English proficiency
• lack of alternative recreation opportunities
• reduced access to information about gambling, problem gambling and available services
• shame and stigma associated with problem gambling
• unfamiliarity with the concept of western counselling
• concerns about confidentiality of services and interpreters
references and further reading
Abbott, M. W. & R. A. Volberg. 1996. The New Zealand National Survey of Problem and Pathological Gambling, Journal of Gambling Studies, 12 (2): 143-160.
Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data (1996)
The Australian Institute for Gambling Research’s (AIGR) 1997, 1999, Cultural
Diversity and Equity of Access to Services for Problem Gamblers and
their Families from selected Asian cultural communities in Western
Australia, report prepared for the Racing and Gaming Commission of Western Australia, Sydney, University of Macarthur
Blaszczynski, A., Dumlao, V.J., Lange, M., 1997, How much do you spend gambling? Ambiguities in survey question items, Journal of Gambling Studies, Vol 13, p237-252
Blaszczynski, A., Huynh, S., Dumlao, V.J., and Farrell E., 1998, Problem Gambling Within a Chinese Speaking Community, Journal of Gambling Studies vol. 14, no. 4, Winter 1998, pp. 359-379
Bronheim, S. & Sockalingam, S., 2003, A Guide to Choosing and Adapting Culturally and Linguistically Competent Health Promotion Materials
Cultural and Indigenous Research Centre Australia (CIRCA), 2008, Needs analysis of problem gambling counselling services for NSW CALD communities, NSW Office of Liquor Gaming and Racing
Cultural Perspectives, 2003, Research into health promotion and best practice service for CALD communities – Final Report, for the Department of Human Services
Department of Justice, 2005, Problem gambling research report for culturally and linguistically diverse communities, Department of Justice, State Government Victoria
Duong, T., & Ohtsuka, K., 2000, Vietnamese Australia Gambler’s View on Luck and Winning: A preliminary report,
in J. McMillen and L. Laker (eds.), Developing Strategic Alliances:
Proceedings of the 9th National Association for Gambling Studies
Conference, Gold Coast, Queensland, 1999 (p151-160)
Efstratiou (1997) Gambling in the Arabic Community: An
Exploratory Study on Gambling Related Problems within the Arabic
Community A Qualitative Study of Issues, Feelings and Perceptions of
Gambling in the Arabic Community, The Victorian Arabic Network, Reservoir, June 1997.
Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria, 2010, Practicing Positive Partnerships in the Ethnic and Multicultural Community, Monash University, Ethnic Communities’ Council of Victoria, Southern Metropolitan Region HACC Cultural Diversity Network 2010
Gabb, D. 1998, Beliefs and Value Systems: Understanding All Australians, Consumer Rights Journal of Australia, Vol 3. No.1, November/December
Egger, G., Spark, R., Lawson, J., 1994, Health Promotion Strategies and Methods, McGraw-Hill Book Company Austarlia Pty Limited, NSW
.
Keleher, H. & Armstrong, R., 2005, Evidence-based mental health promotion resource, Report for the Department of Human Services and VicHealth, Melbourne
Lesieur, H. R., Cross, J., Frank, M., Welch, M., White, C. M., Rubenstein G., Moseley, K., & Mark, M. (1991). Gambling and pathological gambling among university students. Addictive Behaviors: An International Journal, 16, 517-527.
Maheras, N. 2001, Gambling: The Wins and the Losses from a Multicultural Perspective
Nguyen, P. 1997, The psychological impacts of gambling & the casino on the Vietnamese community and families in Melbourne
Oei, T. P. S. Lin, J. & Raylu, N., 2007, Relationship
between gambling cognitions, psychological states and gambling: A
cross-cultural study of Chinese and Caucasians in Australia, Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, vol. 39, no. 2, p 147-161
Preston, R., Waugh, H., Larkins, S., Taylor, J., 2010, Community participation in rural primary health care: intervention or approach?, Australian Journal of Primary Health, Vol 16, p4-16
Lee, P., 2000, Living by the dice, Refugee Transitions, Issue 8
Productivity Commission, 2010, Gambling, Report no. 50, Canberra
Rosencrance, J., 1986, Attributions and the Origins of Problem Gambling, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol 27;4, p464-477
Rule, P., 2001, A Culture of Gambling? Conference Paper. Gambler’s Help Multicultural Conference – ‘United in Diversity’, La Trobe University
Scull, S. and Woolcock, G., 2005, Problem Gambling in Non-English Speaking Background Communities in Queensland, Australia: A Qualitative Exploration, International Gambling Studies, 5:1, 29 – 44
Thomas, N., Thomas, T., 2006, Influence of cultural background and cognitive distortions on the gambling behavior of international students,
In: Katsikitie (ed.), Proceedings of the Joint conference of the
Australian Psychological Society and the New Zealand Psychological
Society, p. 435-439), Auckland, Australian Psychological Society.
Tran, D. 1999, Exploring the Presence of Gambling and Family Violence in Vietnamese Families, Jesuit Social Services.
Tse, S. Wong, J., Kim, H. 2004, A Public Health Approach for Asian People in Foreign Countries, Journal of Gambling Issues, Issue 12, December 2004
Tyler, W., 1996, Casino culture and community context: the projected social impact of gaming machines in the Northern Territory, paper presented to the NTCOSS Community Services Conference, Darwin, June, 1996
Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority, 1997, Victorian Casino and
Gaming Authority (1997) The Report on the Impact of Gambling on
Specific Cultural Groups, Department of Human Services, Victoria.
Thomas, Shane. & Yamine, Rick. & Victorian Casino and Gaming
Authority. & Cultural Partners Australia Consortium. 2000, The impact of gaming on specific cultural groups : a report to the Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority / [prepared by Professor Shane Thomas and Rick Yamine] Victorian Casino and Gaming Authority, Melbourne, Vic.
Volberg, R.1994, The Prevalence and Demographics of Pathological Gamblers: Implications for Public Health American Journal of Public Health, Vol. 84, No. 2, February 1994, pp. 237-241.
Volberg, R. 1996, Prevalence studies of problem gambling in the United States, Journal of Gambling. Studies, vol. 12, no.2. Summer, pp. 111-28.
Worldwide Addiction Gambling Education Report, 2005, The Joy Unluck Club: Gambling Among Asian Refugees, Vol. 10(13)
Wallisch, L. 1996. Gambling in Texas: 1995 Surveys of Adult and Adolescent Gambling Behavior. Report to the Texas Commission on Alcohol and Drug Abuse.
Wong, J. and Tse, S. 2003, The Face of Chinese Migrants’ Gambling: A Perspective from New Zealand in The Electronic Journal of Gambling Issues
Yamine & Thomas, 2000, The Impacts of Gaming on Specific Cultural Groups, VCGR, http://www.vcgr.vic.gov.au/CA256F800017E8D4/WebObj/0F9C7FA850A5E34FCA257029002D16D6/$File/Project_2000TIGSCG.pdf
Zysk, A., 2003, Gambling in a Multicultural Society: A Study of Vietnamese Australians in South Australia, 2003, DHS, South Australia.
These resources are all available from the CEH library. Visit
www.ceh.org.au to search the library catalogue or contact the librarian
on (03) 9342 9707.